John
(Literature Application)
Social Media and K-pop: Conformation to distorted social norms to keep fans happy
Hallyu is the ongoing transnational diffusion of Korean culture since the 1990s. Most of Hallyu’s success is due to the rise in the popularity and efficient usage of social media. As a result, during the mid to late 2000s, K-pop groups such as Big Bang, and 2NE1 “generated new waves and reaching different shores, including America and Europe” (Jung 2015). Additionally, Jung argues social media place K-pop in the “spotlight in the contemporary transnational popular culture scene”. However, contrary to Jung’s argument, I argue that under the pressure of social media, K-pop groups such as 2NE1 conform to distorted social norms to remain in the “spotlight” and satisfy fans’ demands.
2NE1’s international success rely heavily on social media. Through various dance contests and fan clubs, 2NE1 and their fans are able to “promote, …, and recirculate media contents” (Jung 2015). For example, as an attempt to embody the strength women possess, their music video “I Am The Best” include multiple scenes of 2NE1’s members vandalising and shooting guns. Consequently, through social media, they are promoting violence through their music video.
Furthermore, 2NE1’s members are constantly under attack on social media for their looks. Alongside the Korean culture for women to embody the ideal beauty, pressure on social media led 2NE1’s members to reconfigure their physique through plastic surgery to achieve the perfect and distorted social norms.
Social media has been a pivotal influencer of 2NE1’s success. Throughout their career, they manipulated the widespread of social media to boost their popularity internationally. However, as time passes, 2NE1 exhibits violence in their video as an attempt to embrace women’s image and reconfigured themselves to achieve the “ideal” look. As a result, under the heavy influence of social media, 2NE1 is being controlled by their fans’ demands and expectations to conform to distorted social norms.
Bibliography
Jung, Eun-Young. “K-Pop Idols, Social Media, and the Remaking of the Korean Wave.” In Hallyu 2.0: The Korean Wave in the Age of Social Media, edited by Sangjoon Lee and Abé Mark Nornes. 73-89. US: University of Michigan Press, 2015.
(Video Analysis)
The Three Vices: 2NE1’s failure to promote a healthy society in "Go Away" by 2NE1.
Since the 2000s, the Korean pop culture wave has been rapidly expanding internationally. As a result, K-pop is a significant influencer for many teenagers and young adults. Many K-pop girl groups such as Girls Generation and KARA conform to the traditional roles of women, where they are “presented as weak, dependent, submissive, and nurturing,” and “epitomizes the stoking of male fantasy” (Lin 2017) Contrary, K-pop girl groups such as 2NE1 strive for identification from young females (Epstein 2014). However, despite their success to empower the women’s image in 2NE1’s music video “Go Away”, other vices were represented in the music video. I argue that in the MV “Go Away” by 2NE1, they subconsciously promote vices such as violence, vengeance and adultery through the lyrics and visual aspects of the video.
The MV “Go Away” was released in 2010, which was around the same time the feminist movement began to heavily develop in Western countries. Despite 2NE1’s efforts being “further than most [K-pop girl groups] in challenging these [traditional] roles” (Unger 2015), they have not succeeded in promoting other valuable social aspects. For example, in their MV “Go Away”,
First, 2NE1 represents a toxic relationship where the girl in the video ends up getting physically abused and beaten up by the guy. Contrary to most Western countries, the guy committed a crime and received no repercussion. By excluding the punishment, 2NE1 is promoting this behaviour as the norm, therefore influencing their fans in the wrong direction.
Second, prior to the confrontation that led to the girl, played by CL, to be physically assaulted, the guy committed adultery. Additionally, after the day he committed adultery and assault, he was shown smirking and smiling in a mock like manner in front of CL. By representing this sense of no remorse, 2NE1 is painting this situation lighter than what it should be. Therefore, solidifying the disturbed and unacceptable criminal demeanour.
Third, a research by Nunes shows that “The majority of music people listen to in their daily lives includes lyrics. This research documents how more repetitive songs lyrically are processed more fluently and thus adopted more broadly” (Nunes, 2015). In the MV “Go Away”, the word “Go Away” is repeated throughout the music video. In the beginning, it might simply represent a request for the guy to separate himself from CL. However, the repeated phrase symbolizes death as we witnessed the brutal death at the end of the video. CL and the guy collided during a car race where she walked away harms free while the guy died. Furthermore, CL and her crew (2NE1) is seen smiling. As a result, the three vices of violence, adultery and vengeance are messages fan took away from the MV. This is shown to be true in the comments section. Fans comment “I heard this song a lot when I had problems with my husband (he was cheating me), the song said everything I wanted to said to him... And actually I told him and finally I get the divorce.” and “cheaters should die!”. It is evident that fans will apply these interpreted concepts and messages from these MVs to their own lives despite the differences in contexts.
2NE1 have found most of their success in the mid to late 2000s for their strong and independent image. However, they have failed to promote other aspects of a civilized society. In the MV “Go Away”, they displayed violence, adultery, and vengeance through a scenario of a toxic relationship. These 3 vices were presented through the visual aspects and lyrics of the MVs in the approach that would appear to promote these negative behaviours. This is shown through the fans approval within their feedback. Despite their success during this era, 2NE1’s MV “Go Away” influenced fans towards the undesirable component of society.
Bibliography
Epstein, Stephen and Turnbull, James. “Girls Generation? Gender, (Dis)Empowerment, and K-pop”. The Korean Popular Culture Reader (2014): 315-336.
Lin, Xi, Robert Rudolf. “Does K-pop Reinforce Gender Inequalities Empirical
Evidence from a New Data Set”. Asian Women 33, no.4 (2017): 27-54.
Nunes, Joseph, Andrea Ordanini, Francesca Valsesia. “The power of repetition: repetitive lyrics in a song increase processing fluency and drive market success”. Journal of Consumer Psychology 25, no.2 (2015): 187-199.
Unger, Michael. “The Aporia of Presentation: Deconstructing the Genre of K‐
pop Girl Group Music Videos in South Korea”. Journal of Popular Music Studies 27 (2015): 25-47
Jessie
(Literature Application)
YouTube as K-pop Interlocutor
YouTube is a multi-faceted platform for distributing and promoting K-pop. The “features of YouTube - visual, global, consumer-led and free of certain limitations and restrictions” are what makes YouTube a popular platform for K-pop (Ono and Kwon 2013, 207). A group that fully utilized these features of YouTube to achieve success on an international scale, is 2NE1. However, YouTube could be a double-edged sword.
A significant contributor to 2NE1’s international success can be attributed to YouTube. 2NE1 has a strong presence on YouTube as they are the first K-pop girl group and the second K-pop group to reach 2 million subscribers (Allkpop, 2014).
2NE1 takes advantage of YouTube being “an audio and visual medium” (Ono and Kwon 2013, 208). 2NE1’s powerful songs which encompass genre fluidity of R&B, and dance-pop, audacious fashion, and embodiment of empowerment, are all prevalent in their visually arresting music videos. These aspects have captured the attention of fans worldwide and garnered numerous views. YouTube is a transnational technology, global fan engagement are encouraged. With YouTube being consumer-led, interactive cyber-communities are created as Blackjacks can spread their love for 2NE1 globally.
While one side of YouTube holds promising hopes of global sensation, the other holds the consequences of irresponsible consumer behaviour, limited restrictions, and global circulation of undesirable content. 2NE1 experienced these consequences when Park Bom’s drug scandal started circulating. With limited restrictions on uploads and YouTube being consumer-led, false news, abrasive comments and cyber-communities were formed to criticize Park Bom. YouTube put Park Bom and 2NE1 under a negative light as videos regarding this scandal trended and circulated to audiences worldwide.
2NE1 achieved the sensational boom and YouTube should take partial credit for the success. Although the ramifications of YouTube should be made aware, as trending for the wrong reasons could be detrimental.
Word count: 298
Bibliography
Ono, Kent A., Jungmin Kwon. “Re-worlding culture? YouTube as a K-pop interlocutor”. In The Korean Wave: Korean Media Go Global, edited by Youna Kim. 200-13. London: Taylor & Francis Group, 2013.
“2NE1 becomes first K-Pop girl group & second K-Pop group to reach 2 million YouTube subscribers.” allkpop. https://www.allkpop.com/article/2014/01/2ne1-becomes-first-k-pop-girl-group-second-k-pop-group-to-reach-2-million-youtube-subscribers (accessed 12/01/18)
(Video Analysis)
2NE1's "Ugly" Music Video
Korean popular music has evolved substantially through the years, achieving notable success and recognition. In particular, the K-pop industry is renowned for its consistently compelling and impressive music videos. The music video, “Ugly” by 2NE1, instantly captures the attention and hearts of its audiences - domestically and globally. Through the combination of hybridity present in the meaningful lyrics, along with the bold visual aspects in the video, both are used to defy the stereotypes of typical girl groups by displaying forms of empowerment, self-confidence, and acceptance of unconventional beauty.
In recent years, “K-pop is an exemplary case of hybridization in both style and language, and the amount of English mixing in K-pop lyrics has soared” (Jin and Ryoo 2014, 125). The lyrics in “Ugly” utilizes hybridity as the entire chorus of the song is in English. The implementation of English allows for creativity and freedom to convey the message of the song, almost creating an anthem effect through the catchiness and repetition. Having the chorus in English is also a “viable option for overcoming the language barriers that potentially impede transnational flows” (Benson 2013, 32). As a result, the English lyrics cater and appeal to international audiences as the meaning is completely comprehensible.
The lyrics of the song could be interpreted as dark and fairly pessimistic. With the chorus repeating, “I think I’m ugly and nobody wants to love me...Don’t lie to my face cause I know I’m ugly”. Hearing only the lyrics itself could be considered relatively discouraging and negative. However, with the bold and dynamic visual aspects in the “Ugly” music video, a sense of empowerment and defiance is created and communicated directly to the audience.
The charismatic visual aspects within the video act as almost a juxtaposition against the lyrics. The members are seen rocking a neon punk rocker style with daring and vibrant colours. The explosive movements of the members singing and dancing are eye-catching and powerful. With the use of lights, fireworks, spray paint, and explosives, they all contribute to the upbeat and energetic vibe. The artificial set of the video is less ostentatious, especially in the beginning, which allows the 2NE1 members to wield full authority of the space.
2NE1 once again shamelessly challenges the Korean girl group’s neverending dichotomy of innocent vs. sexy with the “Ugly” music video. 2NE1’s image in the video is neither innocent nor sexy but rather, empowering, radiating independence and strength. It has been noted that “since the turn of the millennium, emphasis on bodily perfection has become increasingly central to the media industries of South Korea” (Epstein and Joo 2012, 1). 2NE1 challenges the conventional beauty standards and the emphasis on bodily perfection of not only the K-pop and media industry but also the increasing expectations in everyday lives. Through the lyrics and music video, 2NE1 is conveying that even if you feel ugly, ultimately confidence and beauty comes from within. It is almost as if 2NE1 themselves are rebranding ‘ugly as the new beautiful’ through projecting their inner confidence. Even as idols within the industry, 2NE1 are not afraid to genuinely be themselves and share their vulnerability. This differentiates 2NE1 as according to Epstein, “Girls Generation and KARA at one pole, epitomizing the stoking of male fantasy, and at the other 4Minute and 2NE1, who strive for identification from young females” (Epstein and Turnbull 2014, 319). As opposed to other girl groups, 2NE1 does not strive to please the male gaze but instead, strives to resonate and empathize with their audience through meaningful lyrics and expressive visual aspects in their video.
Ultimately, 2NE1 accomplishes their goal of empowerment. 2NE1 continues to break the mold of typical girl groups through their courageous freedom of expression and their awareness and identification with prevalent issues. Together with the integration of hybridization in the lyrics and visual aspects in the “Ugly” music video, fans on a domestic and international scale can feel the strong positive impact.
Word count: 655
Bibliography
Benson, Phil. “English and identity in East Asian popular music.” Popular Music 32, no.1 (2013): 23-33.
Epstein, Stephen, James Turnbull. “Girls’ Generation? Gender, (Dis)Empowerment, and K-pop.” In The Korean Popular Culture Reader, edited by Kyung Hyun Kim and Youngmin Choe. 315-36. Durham: Duke University Press, 2014.
Epstein, Stephen, Rachael M. Joo. “Multiple Exposures: Korean Bodies and the Transnational Imagination.” The Asia-Pacific Journal 10, no.1 (2012): 1-24
Jin, Dal Yong, Woongjae Ryoo. “Critical Interpretation of Hybrid K-Pop: The Global-Local Paradigm of English Mixing in Lyrics.” Popular Music and Society 37, no.2 (2014): 113-31.
Lydia
(Literature Application)
K-pop Scandals like "The Tablo Witch-Hunt and its Double-edged Sword” by Haerin Shin
Like any celebrity, K-pop artists represent their country’s values and culture. Their actions and words are continuously being watched by fans, the press, and even international followers. Hence, K-pop stars are “precarious role models” (Shin 2015, 134)- in danger of falling short to the public. The artists are expected to demonstrate “only the desirable” (Ibid.) as the face of the nation, yet with constant supervision, scandals are inevitable.
When rumours, gossip, or other forms of entertainment arise, the public is satisfied by pleasure (Ibid., 136). An example of a K-pop artist who was stuck in the middle of a scandal is 2NE1’s Park Bom. In 2014, Park Bom was accused of a controversial “drug scandal”, where a shipment of illegal pills were sent to her from America. Shortly after, Korean press blew up, spreading news about the incident through Korea’s “powerful digi0074al telecommunication infrastructure” (Ibid., 142).
However, little did the public know that these “illegal pills” were actually diagnosed medication to treat Park Bom’s depression. After the scandal was publicly announced, the criticisms were endless. Not only did Park Bom’s accusations affect her own reputation, but the image of 2NE1 as a whole.
Entertainment, like Park Bom’s scandal, arises when the “excessively rigorous moral standards imposed” (Ibid., 139) on K-pop stars are not met, causing them to be exposed of their ‘wrongdoings’. Korean media is mesmerised by gaining “access to and agency over” (Ibid., 142) K-pop stars, which can be done through creating and distributing cultural content.
All in all, if it was not for the entertainment of scandals and the constant observation from the public, precariousness would not be as big of a connotation to K-pop artists. In the end, was Park Bom’s scandal the main reason for 2NE1’s disbandment or was it simply the nation’s unmet expectations?
Word count: 299
Bibliography
Shin, Haerin. “The dynamics of K-pop spectatorship.” The Tablo witch-hunt and its double-edged sword of enjoyment, edited by JungBong Choi and Roald Maliangkay. 133-142. London and New York: Routledge, 2015.
(Video Analysis)
Cultural Appropriation in "Lifted" by CL
As K-pop artists strive to Westernize, they run into the risk of cultural appropriation. Though sometimes unintentional, artists have been caught “adopting, sampling, or recycling” (Snorton 2015, 347) other cultures. Especially at the “intersection of race and stardom” (Ibid.), cultural appropriation is common when trying to reach “international audiences” (Cedarbough 2016, 259). A clear example is CL from disbanded group, 2NE1. Her video, “Lifted”, contains controversial elements like a setting of stereotypical gang culture, the incorporation of non-Asian dancers, and a grungy editing style.
With hip-hop originating amongst African-Americans, CL’s video contains a stereotypical “context of poverty, gang violence” (Hare and Baker 2017, 3), and rebellion. Roaming the streets of NYC during sunset creates a mischievous and dark ambience. CL is submerged in a crowd of African-Americans drinking, vaping, and smoking- stereotypical of gangs. Furthermore, cannabis is illegal in Korea, adding to the rebellion and creating a culture shock for Korean fans. With a hope of “intentional communication” (Ibid., 5), CL wears “clothing and accessory choices of rappers” (Ibid., 4)- decked out in gold chains and sportswear. Furthermore, scenes are shot near autobody shops; dirty and worn-down locations. Crowds also party on a basketball court, enhancing the stereotypes. Though adding “aspects of African-American culture” (Cedarbough 2016, 279) can attempt to “create an authentic… link” (Ibid.) between nations, several visual elements in “Lifted” appropriate, rather than appreciate, hip-hop’s origins. As hip-hop is a “racialized musical genre” (Snorton 2015, 351), artists must try to resolve racial tensions and make it clearly known.
CL’s music video incorporates African-American males. Exploited to “legitimize hip-hop” (Hare and Baker 2017, 7), “negative depictions of Black people have emerged” (Ibid., 3). CL being the only female in a crowd of African-Americans does not deny this depiction, but rather, adds cultural appropriation. Moreover, “musical celebrities inherit and shape” (Snorton 2015, 357) aspects of hip-hop and gender to add a “sexualised spice” (Cedarbough 2016, 259). Throughout “Lifted”, CL’s body is voyeuristically touched by men. Yet, she also chooses to dance on them and grab their pants, as if she’s asking to be viewed sexually. Since sex draws attention, especially internationally, CL’s choice to include such elements is not uncommon. At the same time, being the only Asian woman in the video, CL also demonstrates independence and femininity. Though international back-up dancers create “an aura of authenticity” (Ibid.), it’s also a “market-driven strategy” (Ibid.) to gain global audiences. Having a diverse cast increases the “sexualization quotient” (Ibid., 280) in videos, boiling it down to the intentions of the artist.
Motions and edits of scenes add to the overall vibe of the video. Alongside dancing with men, CL incorporates dance moves, flips, and unique ways of walking which create a grungy style. The editing choices also boost the video’s edginess. With rough cuts, on-beat scene changes, and morphed transitions, the edits “cut and mix” (Um 2013, 52) not just clips, but also “different musical styles” (Ibid.). The transition from an upbeat tempo and bounce to the calmer mood when CL is on the clouds can be seen as cultural appropriation. “Multiple selective strategies” (Ibid., 53) have been used to choose specific hip-hop elements and motions of African-American gangs. The camera also centralizes CL and her body, seeming like the African-Americans in the video are less important compared to CL’s ability to stand out. Through “adoption and adaptation” (Ibid.), the specific scenes, editing, and motions are at risk of cultural appropriation.
Ultimately, I believe CL’s “Lifted” does contain aspects of cultural appropriation. However, I also believe her intentions were not to exploit African-American culture, but rather, to acknowledge it. Often, appropriation is “unintentional because it stems from a place of ignorance” (Hare and Baker 2017, 7). Nowadays, what appears to be cultural appropriation for one audience may not be viewed the same to another. Therefore, with an increase in the risk of racial tension, K-pop artists must be sensitive to all surroundings and cultures, no matter their background.
Bibliography
Cedarbough, T. Saeji. “Cosmopolitan Strivings and Racialisation: The Foreign Dancing Bodies in Korean Popular Music Videos.” In Korean Screen Culture: Interrogating Cinema, TV, Music and Online Games, edited by Andrew David Jackson and Colette Balmain. 257-292. Oxford, 2016.
Hare, Sarah, and Baker, Andrew. “Keepin’ It Real: Authenticity, Commercialization, and the Media in Korean Hip Hop.” SAGE Open 7, no. 2 (April 2017): 1-12.
Snorton, C. Riley. “Dark Cosmos: Making Race, Shaping Stardom.” In The SAGE Handbook of Popular Music, edited by Andy Bennett and Steve Waksman. 346-359. London: Sage Reference, 2015.
Um, Hae-Kyung. “The poetics of resistance and the politics of crossing borders: Korean hip-hop and ‘cultural reterritorialisation.’” Popular Music 32, no. 1 (2013): 51-64.
Kyle
(Literature Application)
The True Star Identity of 2NE1
The essence of music stardom is often described by multi-modal factors. Philip Auslander (2015, 317) suggests that stardom does not inhere with music itself, rather, it is a characteristic within a person. He further proposes that the musical persona from an audience must match the artist’s identity to achieve “stardom”. However, I argue that 2NE1 did not always adhere to the “fixed characteristics” indicated by a typical korean girl group genre. 2NE1 has achieved stardom by pursuing a unique identity and constituting intimacy with fans on social media.
Auslander claims that stardom must remain congruent with the identities they perform within their respective musical genre (2015, 318). However, Auslander contradicts himself stating that there are musicians that suggest an inappropriate identity that opposes the audiences musical persona (2015, 320). 2NE1’s confident and edgy identity is incongruent with the typical lolita/coy girl group stereotype in Kpop. Consequently, 2NE1 does not adhere to a single music genre. While “Lollipop” was categorized as a pop genre, “I Don’t Care” is predominantly influenced by reggae. Other songs like “To Anyone” and “Go Away” are marked by a strong electronic style. 2NE1’s versatility in music production has allowed for multiple characteristics, therefore not conforming to the single “fixed characteristics”.
Star identities often appeal to a larger spectrum of audiences, thus causing difficulty of availability for the whole population of fans. 2NE1, however, has maintained worldwide connectivity with fans through social media platforms. 2NE1TV has allowed the blackjack fans (2NE1 fanclub name) a ‘behind the scenes’ view of the group’s humorous moments at their own homes. The intimacy of these videos creates a ‘parasocial relationship’ where audience members can fantasize about having a personal relationship with the music star, therefore offering the possibility of genuine social interaction between stars and fans.
Auslander’s opinion that the genre of music carries expectations of how musicians and audiences will behave is challenged by 2NE1’s variability in music styles and fan interactivity. There is not a single genre that fits 2NE1’s style, therefore constituting versatility in music production and allowing for multiple characteristics. 2NE1 has also achieved stardom through the online interactions with their fans
Bibliography
Auslander, Philip. “Everybody’s in Show Biz: Performing Star Identity in Popular Music.” In The SAGE Handbook of Popular Music, edited by Andy Bennett and Steve Waksman. 317-331. Washington D.C.: SAGE Publications, 2015.
(Video Analysis)
An analysis of 2NE1’s “I AM THE BEST” MV
The Korean music industry has emphasized gender stereotyped roles as an attempt to visually promote K-pop in the rapidly growing international economy. The salience of gender specific groups in music videos has developed an extreme distinction between masculine and feminine characteristics. These characteristics are meant to be congruent with the corresponding genders of the group members. However, the Korean girl group 2NE1 lies in the middle of the sex spectrum. I argue that, in comparison to other girl groups (such as Girls’ Generation), 2NE1’s “I Am The Best” music video incorporates female masculinity into the Korean music industry through their fashion, choreography, and visual perspective .
To elicit an aegyo atmosphere, the members of girl groups often wear outfits that emphasize their cuteness. Stephen Epstein analyzes the video “Oh!” by Girls’ Generation to accentuate feminine sexuality. The members are presented as cheerleaders wearing tight jean shorts and a crop-top to maximize the exposure of their skin. The women appear “fragile and delicate, an impression enhanced by close-ups of affected aegyo poses” (Epstein and Turnbull 2014: 319). In contrast, 2NE1’s “I Am The Best” music video has the members of the group wearing long black pants and blazers attached with spikes. Their style matches the clothing worn by the male group EXO-K in their music video “MAMA”. 2NE1 attempts to cover their skin as much as possible, therefore impeding pleasure from the male audience. CL, a member of 2NE1, is also shown mimicking a female boxer from the movie “Million Dollar Baby”. CL’s attempt to mimic this boxer illustrates female masculinity throughout the video. The conservative and masculine clothing used by 2NE1 does not oblige their image to the projected fantasies of the oppressive male gaze, therefore distancing themselves from the typical feminine girl group stereotype.
Choreography incorporated in music videos contributes to the music style that artists attempt to portray. Chuyun Oh examines the representation of ‘ideal’ femininity in the music video “The Boys” by Girls’ Generation by describing their dance as “hypergirlish-femininity that prioritizes submissiveness, pureness, and cuteness” (2014: 56). Girls’ Generation sexualizes their bodies by tilting their pelvis side-to-side and posing to exaggerate their curved bodylines. “The prevalence of these sexualized and homogenized dance routines emphasize their sexuality rather than their dancing ability” (Michael Unger 2015: 55). In comparison, 2NE1’s dancing style is strong and aggressive often supported by quick punches to the air and exaggerated chest popping movements. Their baggy clothing does not allow for the sexual emphasis of their breasts, therefore isolating for a pure hip-hop style choreography. 2NE1’s hard style choreography possesses the qualities of strength and masculinity.
Finally, the visual representation of 2NE1’s masculinity is demonstrated through camera angles and shot sequences. Many Korean girl groups establish flirtatious eroticism through “seductive dance sequences with eroticized shots and ample attention to the group’s bare legs.” (Epstein and Turnbull 2014: 322). Low-angle shots are often used in female group music videos to constitute the sexualization of elongated bare legs and depict their “weak, dependent, submissive, and nurturing.” (Xi Lin 2014: 30) female characteristics. 2NE1 minimizes the amount of sexualized shots by filming mostly mid and high camera angle shots. For example, Park Bom is shown wearing a slip dress. However, the shots never show Park Bom’s full bare legs. The camera angle only shows enough skin to recognize that she is wearing a dress. Everything below the mid-thigh is not viewable for the audience. Close-up shots of their faces are shown when 2NE1 members use a rude and tough facial expression. This usage of camera angles emphasizes masculinity while distancing themselves from the cute facial expressions made by most other Korean female group artists.
Overall, 2NE1 challenges the traditional gender roles of aegyo girl groups. By applying the comparison of girl groups such as Girls’ Generation, 2NE1’s music video choreography, camera angles, and fashion distances themselves from the common gender stereotypes and brings feminine masculinity to the Korean music industries.
Bibliography
Epstein, Stephen and James Turnbull. “Girls’ Generation? Gender, (Dis)Empowerment, and K-pop.” In The Korean Popular Culture Reader, edited by Kyung Hyun Kim and Youngmin Choe. 314-336. Durham: Duke University Press, 2014.
Oh, Chuyon. “The Politics of the Dancing Body: Racialized and Gendered Femininity in Korean Pop.” In The Korean Wave, edited by Yasue Kuwahara. 53-81. New York: PalgraveMacmillan, 2014.
Unger, Michael A. “The Aporia of Presentation: Deconstructing the Genre of K‐pop Girl Group Music Videos in South Korea.” Journal of Popular Music Studies 27, no. 1 (2015):
25-47.
Xi, Li and Robert Rudolf. “Does K-pop Reinforce Gender Inequalities? Empirical Evidence from a New Data Set.” Asian Women 33, no. 4 (2017): 27-54.
Tim
(Literature Application)
The Distinction of 2NE1: Rejecting Korea’s Obsession with Physical Perfection
Korean media has become increasingly obsessed with body image, as social competitiveness produces ever-increasing demands of physical perfection. In the article “Multiple Exposures: Korean Bodies and the Transnational Imagination”, sociologists and professors Stephen Epstein and Rachael M. Joo to focus on media’s obsession with long, slender female legs and muscled male torsos to investigate Korea’s changing culture and how these pervasive physical ideals pressure individuals to strive for perfection. I argue that 2NE1 rejects this trend, thus distinguishing themselves from other K-pop groups.
One of the key arguments of the article is that, “The Korean Wave is becoming progressively more invested not only with the emotional resonance often cited to account for the international success of its dramas, but corporeal qualities, through spectacular images of exposed flesh” (Epstein and Joo 2012: 4). This argument is supported by example such as KARA and Girls’ Generation that prove the “display of slender legs has become obligatory for K-pop girl groups” (Ibid., 4). In contrast, 2NE1’s outfits often consist of pants and other skin covering attire. For example, in their video “Come Back Home” which has over 76 million views on YouTube, the group does not show reveal any leg at all. This is a common theme across 2NE1 videos where they attract audiences through their unique and edgy attitudes. The article also attributes K-pop’s international success to the physical appearance of the stars. Compared to Japanese idols “who rely more on having a cute image” (Ibid., 12), “the Korean girl group members look like models, and have amazing performance skills for the stage” (Ibid., 12). Similarly, 2NE1 boasts the ability to capture their audiences, yet don’t resort to revealing clothing. In the Japanese version of their M/V “I AM THE BEST”, 2NE1 shows off their attention-grabbing outfits and choreography instead of their bodies.
Epstein and Joo claim that K-pop idols act as the pinnacle of physical perfection. Through exposing “perfect” bodies, these stars shape the ideals of Korean society. 2NE1 instead distances themselves from the rest, relying on their distinct style to capture audiences, while remaining true to values of female empowerment.
Word Count: 350
Bibliography
Epstein, Stephen, Rachael M. Joo. “Multiple Exposures: Korean Bodies and the Transnational Imagination.” The Asia-Pacific Journal 10, no. 33 (2012): 1-24.
(Video Analysis)
2NE1 Crush Video Analysis
In a male-dominated society, 2NE1 managed to appeal to patriarchal Korean values while simultaneously acting as a symbol for female empowerment. Despite changing times, their music is able to remain relevant through their powerful messages and universal appeal. I argue that in the music video “Crush”, 2NE1 bridges the dichotomy between female objectification and empowerment, simultaneously appealing to traditional K-pop audiences while challenging the norm through their roleplays, outfits, and movements.
Female K-pop artists frequently appeal to audiences by embracing feminine roles, exhibiting submissive and seductive characteristics. 2NE1 toys with the idea that “a typical music video features one or more men performing while beautiful, scantily clad young women dance and writhe lasciviously” (Kistler and Lee 2009: 68), conforming to these sexist standards in one scene then rejecting them in the next. In the case of “Crush”, the members of 2NE1 take on both male and female roles. For instance, the music video starts with CL in a feminine role, focusing on superficial things such as jewelry and makeup. The audience then sees CL transition into a more masculine role, acting at the center of attention with stereotypical women fawning over her. Her transition is paralleled by the other members of 2NE1, who each undergoes her own transition into masculine roles. Finally, the video ends with all four members of 2NE1 walk by in their masculine attire drawing the attention of CL in her feminine outfit. These scenes blur the line between conformity and originality, as 2NE1 demonstrate that they can fill a variety of roles.
Female K-pop artists often wear revealing clothing, capturing the attention of men. According to scholar Mulvey, “The determining male gaze projects its phantasy onto the female figure which is styled accordingly” (1975: 11). This comes to no surprise as in Korean media, women are “often portrayed in ways that emphasizes traditional gender roles: men were more powerful, dominant, aggressive, and violent, while women were more likely to be presented as weak, dependent, submissive, and nurturing” (Lin and Rudolf 2017: 30). In “Crush”, 2NE1 first appears in revealing and feminine clothing, with a focus on the artists’ bodies and accessories. However, as the video progresses, the clothing becomes less revealing and more masculine. In one scene, members of 2NE1 are wearing clothing typically designed for men, such as top hats and leather jackets, taking on an edgy and loud look. This directly contrasts typical Korean customs, where women must have “attitudes such as being good, clean, demure, and ultimately submissive, as opposed to being bad, dirty, loud, and irreverent” (Unger 2015: 31). The use of non-revealing clothing also helps to highlight the members of 2NE1, in contrast to the revealing outfits of the backup dancers who “are mostly just props” (Kistler and Lee 2009: 68).
The movements throughout the video follow a similar transformation. Oftentimes in music videos, “the synchronization of body movement in choreographed routines drives the music video forward and physicalizes the song structure” (Unger 2015: 33). In the case of “Crush”, body movements physicalize the contrasting elements of femininity versus masculinity. At the beginning of the video, 2NE1’s movements are all very feminine and sexual, appealing to the male audience. There are lots of hip and hand movements which draw attention to the female body. As the video progresses, it transitions into more aggressive and masculine movements such as jumping and powerful hand gestures. 2NE1’s physical movements are a reflection of the conflicting forces of femininity and masculinity. Their ability to incorporate a wide variety of movements is a testament to the group’s appeal to all K-pop audiences.
Through their roleplays, outfits, and movements, 2NE1 is able to demonstrate their adaptability and thrive amongst conflicting values. In the music video “Crush”, the group initially represents the typical feminine and passive girl group, later rejecting this norm by transitioning into powerful roles. This allows them to act as a symbol of female empowerment, while remaining true to Korean culture.
Word count: 656
Bibliography
Kistler, Michelle E., Moon J. Lee. “Does the Exposure to Sexual Hip Hop Music Videos Influence the Sexual Attitudes of Students?” Mass Communication and Society 13, no. 1 (2009): 67-86.
Mulvey, Laura. “Visual Pleasure and Narrative Cinema.” Film Theory and Criticism: Introductory Readings 16, no. 3 (1975): 6-18.
Lin, Xi and Robert Rudolf. “Does K-pop Reinforce Gender Inequalities Empirical Evidence from a New Data Set.” Asian Women 33, no. 4 (2017): 27-54.
Unger, Michael A. “The Aporia of Presentation: Deconstructing the Genre of K‐pop Girl Group Music Videos in South Korea.” Journal of Popular Music Studies 27, no. 1 (2015): 25-47.
Lester
(Literature Application)
Cultural Policy and the Korean Wave
Popular culture was an object of state control under the military and authoritarian Park Chung Hee in the 1960’s to protect Korea from westernization and preserve Korean culture. Lyrics from K-pop songs that were deemed to be either “decadent”, “ill-health”, or “sad” were censored by the Public Performance Ethics Committee (Lee, 2013). During this time, people were starved from the lack of freedom of expression in respect to social and political awareness. With protests from Seo Taiji and Boys, and other cultural practitioners, the music censorship was abolished in 1996, leading to the rise of consumer society where groups could be more experimental with new performance styles, while articulating a voice for political, social, and moral topics. Shortly after the “renaissance”, 2NE1 emerged in 2009 and quickly became one of the most successful girl groups in Korea. They were able to utilize the cultural controversies and provide a voice for korean people’s cultural identities and aesthetic sentiments which appealed largely to the global demographic. 2NE1 also experimented with their style of music, from their first song “lollipop” hovering within the pop genre, “fire” in hip hop, to “I Don’t Care” in the reggae genre. The Korean government facilitated the “Korean wave” and engaged in activities from financing to branding to maximize market values and utilize kpop as symbol of national pride. By riding the Korean Wave, various project opportunities became visible for 2NE1, such as collaborations with commercial businesses. The first music video, “Lollipop” was initially a promotional single for LG Electronics, and helped 2NE1 garner a steady public base. Holistically, without the constant critiques of the ministries strict position to urge changes to the culture policies, 2NE1 may not have been able to showcase their own unique style of music and have the opportunity to promote it on a global scale.
Bibliography
Lee, Hye-Kyung. “Cultural policy and the Korean Wave: From national culture to transnational consumerism” In The Korean Wave: Korean Media Go Global, edited by Youna Kim. 186-98. London and New York: Routledge, 2013.
(Video Analysis)
2NE1 Crush Video Analysis
With many K-pop music videos on the rise and its penetration into the global market, the content and media figures are beginning to influence young people's lives and act as models much like parents, educators, or peers (Bandura, 2002; Brown, Lapern, & L’Engle, 2005). The “Baddest Female” an M/V featuring CL, the leading star in 2NE1, is a prime example of this framework where strong messages influence younger audiences.
At the start of the video, it features CL walking down an isle with many fans and photographers awaiting her leave. One of the scenes is zoomed up to her butt swaying back and forth which although seems sexually objectifying, if analyzed under the whole video holistically, proves the contrary and supplements her self worth by portraying how highly sought she is. Throughout the video, CL switches through several outfits: one that is “badass”, one that is “classy and business oriented” and another that “catfish boys”. The underlying idea from just the visuals of the video from beginning to end is the oxymoron that “bad” girls can also be “good”. This facilitates discussion and dialogue with teens to empower girls to assert control over their own self worth (Saeji, 2016). The use of chains and pistols are further used to bring attention to the potential of women and how they can stand up for themselves without the protection of men. As such, this justifies the reason for why women were used as the main backstage dancers.
In particular scenes where men were featured, they were “breathing props used to enhance the luxe factor” (Saeji, 2016) serving as moral support for women choreography which completely flips the social roles of men and women, and ultimately challenges the notion of gender equality. Moreover, the use of low cut dresses to reveal a large portion of the women’s legs are more than just ways to seduce men, but instead acts as a catalyst to ridicule men of their vulnerability when lust in involved. In another scene where CL stood on top of a hill with a flag declaring victorious, it brought “homage to a time period” (Saeji, 2016), specifically before the korean war, where women were more susceptible for submission and contrasting it with the present where women are considered stronger, and more assertive.
Diving deeper into how the messages are conveyed throughout the video, English has been mixed into the lyrics - a sign of “cultural hybridization”. This use of “hybridity” within the culture involved foreign elements resulting to a more “resistant, democratic, diverse, and heterogenous” (Appadurai 42) music video, appealing to a more diverse audience and achieve cosmopolitan. As such, “english has become a must for cultural globalization” and allows k-pop stars to penetrate both the western and asian markets (Jin, Hands on 182-86).
Near the end of the video, the lighting becomes brighter and takes the setting in a small village outside and supports the theme of a utopia where girls have autonomous control of their lives. The overall video articulates a voice to address sexualization using elements of lighting, props, visuals, and selective clothing, which are considered more than just “soft cultural factors” (Lin, 2017) it bridges the power gap between women and men which are directly reflected with the paid and unpaid opportunities opened to women.
Bibliography
Bandura, A. “Social cognitive theory of mass communication.” In J. Bryant & D. Zillmann (Eds.), Media effects: Advances in theory and research. 121-54. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum, 2002.
Brown, J. D., Halpern, C. T., & L’Engle, K. L. “Mass media as a sexual super peer for early maturing girls.” Journal of Adolescent Health. (2005): 420-27.
Cedarbought, Saeji T., “Cosmopolitan Strivings and Racialization” In Korean Screen Cultures: Interrogating Cinema, TV, Music and Online Games, edited by Andrew David Jackson and Colette Balmain. 258-92. Oxford: Peter Lang, 2016.
Appadurai, Arjun., “Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization.” 249-88. Minneapolis, MN: U of Minnesota P, 1996. Print.
Jin, Dal Yong, Woongjae Ryoo. “Critical Interpretation of Hybrid K-Pop: The Global-Local Paradigm of English Mixing in Lyrics.” Popular Music and Society. (2012): 113-131.
Lin, Xi and Robert Rudolf. “Does K-pop Reinforce Gender Inequalities Empirical Evidence from a New Data Set”. Asian Women 33, no.4 (2017): 27-54.
Selena
(Literature Application)
K-pop’s format and style has developed over the years since Seo Taiji’s revolution of incorporating rap, dancing, and hip-hop to express individuality and defiance in youth culture. As stated by Hae-Kyung Um, hybridization and syncretism is the driving force behind reterritorialism in K-pop; where a culture is continuously being reconstituted through creative representation to imply meanings related to a particular context of the culture that is being appropriated (Um 2013:52). Through the incorporation and normalization of rap in K-pop, the appropriation of African Americans was increased through cultural references such as symbols, contexts, and artifacts in K-pop music videos.
This is clearly evident in CL’s MV of “Hello Bitches”, which features hip-hop instrumental sampling, english lyrics, catchy rap verses, coupled with aesthetic visuals. She is seen wearing grills, twerking, and dancing with mostly people of colour. A cultural appropriation controversy started through a debate over the authenticity of hip- hop’s origin. Many criticized the artificiality of CL’s rap as it was not the main focus of the MV due to the over simplified nature of her lyrics (Kim 2016). Although it may have been a strategy to capture the global market, her video was met with criticism from Korea as “korean-grown hip- hop is perceived to be more ‘real’ for many local audiences because they appreciate the poetic- musical associations between the lyrics and music (K-pop oriented ballad and samples) that are specifically meaningful and comprehensible” (Um 2013:57). As a result, CL did not reach the American Market or receive support from her Korean fans.
As Choi states, “Most of the stereotypical images that K-pop portrays from American media...is an [imitation of what they see]” (Tuccy 2016). Extensive research may not have been done to clearly define the message through cultural references. Hence, K-pop has been heading towards an artificial route of misusing hip-hop. This ethical issue must be addressed in K-pop to properly understand and convey another’s cultural values to successfully tap into the global market.
Word Count: 329
Bibliography
Um, Hae-Kyung. “The poetics of resistance and the politics of crossing borders: Korean hip hop and ‘cultural reterritorialisation’.” Popular Music 32, no. 1 (2013): 51-64.
“‘The Baddest Female’ Breaks America.” Medium. https://medium.com/diaspora-identity/thebaddest-female-7509fe57e89 (accessed 12/11/2018)
“When K-pop culturally appropriates.” The Daily Dot. https://www.dailydot.com/upstream/kpop-hip-hop-culture-appropriation/ (accessed 12/10/2018)
(Video Analysis)
"Can't Nobody" MV
Since 2009, 2NE1 have challenged the traditional roles of K-pop girl groups; possessing ideal body proportions, portraying submissive attitudes, and performing synchronized dance routines which limit the individuality of each member (Unger 2015, 26). 2NE1 challenged these roles in “Can’t Nobody” which they won “Best MV” from at the 2010 MNET Asian Music Awards (2NE1 2011). Although fans believe that K-pop stars “do not deserve their career because of lack of separation between stage persona and the individual,” Ironically, 2NE1 uses this MV as a catalyst to strengthen their identity and send a message to haters (Saeji et al. 2018, 15). In this essay, I will analyze the visual elements such as camera angles/shots and the fashion of “Can’t Nobody” to argue how 2NE1 breaks the norms of a K-pop girl group’s notion of conformity, limited presence, and stereotypical attitudes to further express their underlying message of ones individuality being limitless and unstoppable.
“Many K-pop MV’s comprise loosely connected themes, which partly illuminate why videos place so much emphasis on presenting a pastiche of lavish visuals in lieu of hammering a memorable story via lyrics into listeners’ minds” (Kim 2016, 148). In the MV of “Can’t Nobody”, each member’s individuality is highlighted through their outfit and kaleidoscopic sets rather than story telling. While other K-pop girl groups tend to dress in similar outfits, 2NE1 embraces their individuality by wearing their own style rather than dressing accordingly to each other. Unlike CL’s other worldly outfit or Minzy’s spiked leather leotard, Dara and Park Bom are dressed more conservatively wearing an elegant gown and black karate suit. While Dara and Park Bom have the body proportions to wear CL and Minzy’s outfits, it is not reflected by their personalities. With their individual touch, the scene leaves a lasting impression on the audience as “each location change results in a new outfit but is only presented once in the forward acceleration of linear movement throughout the video” (Unger 2015, 39).
Near the beginning of the music video, CL can be seen dancing in her solo set before the scene shifts to Minzy dancing through an alley. These scenes are shot rapidly with glimpses of male gaze. These rapid shots interchange from zooming in on sexual dance movies such as CL’s hip thrusting and Minzy’s booty shaking to making eye contact with the members, as if portraying that the audience has been caught looking. In kpop, “women are more likely to be sexually objectified and held to stricter appearance standards while also being portrayed in way that emphasize women as weak, dependent, submissive, and nurturing” (Lin and Rudolf 2017, 30). However, 2NE1 does not shy away from the unconventional leg spreading, booty shaking, and getting up close and personal with the camera. In fact, they confidently embrace the movements that break the stereotype of behaving in a “ladylike” manner. This shooting technique is seen all throughout this MV showing them owning their sexy moves and purposely taunting the audience. Not only is this an act of self-expression, this also demonstrates how 2NE1 is in defiance with fans who want to make a creative contribution and only feel satisfied once their idol is their puppet (Saeji et al. 2018, 11). Although fans want 2NE1 to do sexy/cute concepts, 2NE1 refuses to become uniform to societal norms in K-pop and stays true to being fierce and aggressive.
As K-pop girl groups begins to shift away from the traditional roles and uniform structure of what an ideal K-pop girl group exhibits, it should not be forgotten how 2NE1 paved the path of an unapologetic route of embracing individuality through their MV. Specifically in “Can’t Nobody”, where they demonstrate their opposition of societal norms through camera angles/ shots and fashion and show that it is impossible to suppress their growth and self-expression.
Word Count: 646
Bibliography
Kim, Suk-Young. “The Many Faces of K-pop Music Videos: Revues, Motown, and Broadway in ‘Twinkle’.” Journal of Popular Culture 49, no. 1 (2016): 136-154
Lin, Xi and Robert Rudolf. “Does K-pop Reinforce Gender Inequalities? Empirical Evidence from a New Data Set.” Asian Women 33, no. 4 (2017): 27-54.
Saeji, Cedarbough et al. “Regulating the Idol: The Life and Death of a South Korean Popular Music Star.” The Asia-Pacific Journal 16, no. 3 (2018): 1-32
Unger, A. Michael. “The Aporia of Presentation: Deconstructing the Genre of K-pop Girl Group Music Videos in South Korea.” Journal of Popular Music Studies 27, no.1 (2015): 25-47
2NE1. “2NE1 - ‘Can’t Nobody' M/V.” Youtube Video, 3:31. April 7, 2011. https:// www.youtube.com/watch?v=KQEabAesufg